"Two women then resident in New York were married in a lawful ceremony in
Ontario, Canada, in 2007. Edith Windsor and Thea Spyer returned to
their home in New York City. When Spyer died in 2009, she left her
entire estate to Windsor. Windsor sought to claim the estate tax
exemption for surviving spouses. She was barred from doing so,
however, by a federal law, the Defense of Marriage Act, which
excludes a same-sex partner from the definition of “spouse” as
that term is used in federal statutes. Windsor paid the taxes but
filed suit to challenge the constitutionality of this provision. The
United States District Court and the Court of Appeals ruled that this
portion of the statute is unconstitutional and ordered the United
States to pay Windsor a refund. This Court granted certiorari and now
affirms the judgment in Windsor’s favor...
When at first Windsor and Spyer longed to marry, neither New York nor any
other State granted them that right. After waiting some years, in
2007 they traveled to Ontario to be married there. It seems fair to
conclude that, until recent years, many citizens had not even
considered the possibility that two persons of the same sex might
aspire to occupy the same status and dignity as that of a man and
woman in lawful marriage. For marriage between a man and a woman no
doubt had been thought of by most people as essential to the very
definition of that term and to its role and function throughout the
history of civilization. That belief, for many who long have held it,
became even more urgent, more cherished when challenged. For others,
however, came the beginnings of a new perspective, a new insight.
Accordingly some States concluded that same-sex marriage ought to be
given recognition and validity in the law for those same-sex couples
who wish to define themselves by their commitment to each other. The
limitation of lawful marriage to heterosexual couples, which for
centuries had been deemed both necessary and fundamental, came to be
seen in New York and certain other States as an unjust exclusion.
Slowly at first and then in rapid course, the laws of New York came to
acknowledge the urgency of this issue for same-sex couples who wanted
to affirm their commitment to one another before their children,
their family, their friends, and their community. And so New York
recognized same-sex marriages performed elsewhere; and then it later
amended its own marriage laws to permit same-sex marriage. New York,
in common with, as of this writing, 11 other States and the District
of Columbia, decided that same-sex couples should have the right to
marry and so live with pride in themselves and their union and in a
status of equality with all other married persons. After a statewide
deliberative process that enabled its citizens to discuss and weigh
arguments for and against same-sex marriage, New York acted to
enlarge the definition of marriage to correct what its citizens and
elected representatives perceived to be an injustice that they had
not earlier known or understood. See Marriage Equality Act, 2011 N.
Y. Laws 749 (codified at N. Y. Dom. Rel. Law Ann. §§10–a, 10–b,
13 (West 2013))...
In acting first to recognize and then to allow same-sex marriages, New
York was responding “to the initiative of those who [sought] a
voice in shaping the destiny of their own times.” Bond v. United
States, (2011)...
The States’ interest in defining and regulating the marital relation,
subject to constitutional guarantees, stems from the understanding
that marriage is more than a routine classification for purposes of
certain statutory benefits. Private, consensual sexual intimacy
between two adult persons of the same sex may not be punished by the
State, and it can form “but one element in a personal bond that is
more enduring.” Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U. S. 558, 567 (2003). By
its recognition of the validity of same-sex marriages performed in
other jurisdictions and then by authorizing same-sex unions and
same-sex marriages, New York sought to give further protection and
dignity to that bond. For same-sex couples who wished to be married,
the State acted to give their lawful conduct a lawful status. This
status is a far-reaching legal acknowledgment of the intimate
relationship between two people, a relationship deemed by the State
worthy of dignity in the community equal with all other marriages. It
reflects both the community’s considered perspective on the
historical roots of the institution of marriage and its evolving
understanding of the meaning of equality marriages performed in other
jurisdictions and then by authorizing same-sex unions and same-sex
marriages, New York sought to give further protection and dignity to
that bond. For same-sex couples who wished to be married, the State
acted to give their lawful conduct a lawful status. This status is a
far-reaching legal acknowledgment of the intimate relationship
between two people, a relationship deemed by the State worthy of
dignity in the community equal with all other marriages. It reflects
both the community’s considered perspective on the historical roots
of the institution of marriage and its evolving understanding of the
meaning of equality.
DOMA seeks to injure the very class New York seeks to protect. By doing so
it violates basic due process and equal protection principles
applicable to the Federal Government. See U. S. Const., Amdt. 5;
Bolling v. Sharpe, 347 U. S. 497 (1954). The Constitution’s
guarantee of equality “must at the very least mean that a bare
congressional desire to harm a politically unpopular group cannot”
justify disparate treatment of that group. Department of Agriculture
v. Moreno, 413 U. S. 528, 534–535 (1973)...
DOMA’s unusual deviation from the usual tradition of recognizing and
accepting state definitions of marriage here operates to deprive
same-sex couples of the benefits and responsibilities that come with
the federal recognition of their marriages. This is strong evidence
of a law having the purpose and effect of disapproval of that class.
The avowed purpose and practical effect of the law here in question
are to impose a disadvantage, a separate status, and so a stigma upon
all who enter into same-sex marriages made lawful by the unquestioned
authority of the States...
DOMA’s principal effect is to identify a subset of state-sanctioned
marriages and make them unequal. The principal purpose is to impose
in equality, not for other reasons like governmental efficiency.
Responsibilities, as well as rights, enhance the dignity and
integrity of the person. And DOMA contrives to deprive some couples
married under the laws of their State, but not other couples, of both
rights and responsibilities. By creating two contradictory marriage
regimes within the same State, DOMA forces same-sex couples to live
as married for the purpose of state law but unmarried for the purpose
of federal law, thus diminishing the stability and predictability of
basic personal relations the State has found it proper to acknowledge
and protect. By this dynamic DOMA undermines both the public and
private significance of state-sanctioned same-sex marriages; for it
tells those couples, and all the world, that their otherwise valid
marriages are unworthy of federal recognition. This places same-sex
couples in an unstable position of being in a second-tier marriage.
The differentiation demeans the couple, whose moral and sexual
choices the Constitution protects, see Lawrence, 539 U. S. 558, and
whose relationship the State has sought to dignify. And it humiliates
tens of thousands of children now being raised by same-sex couples.
The law in question makes it even more difficult for the children to
understand the integrity and closeness of their own family and its
concord with other families in their community and in their daily
lives...
The power the Constitution grants it also restrains. And though Congress
has great authority to design laws to fit its own conception of sound
national policy, it cannot deny the liberty protected by the Due
Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment.
What has been explained to this point should more than suffice to
establish that the principal purpose and the necessary effect of this
law are to demean those persons who are in a lawful same-sex
marriage. This requires the Court to hold, as it now does, that DOMA
is unconstitutional as a deprivation of the liberty of the person
protected by the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution...
The class to which DOMA directs its restrictions and restraints are those
persons who are joined in same-sex marriages made lawful by the
State. DOMA singles out a class of persons deemed by a State entitled
to recognition and protection to enhance their own liberty. It
imposes a disability on the class by refusing to acknowledge a status
the State finds to be dignified and proper. DOMA instructs all
federal officials, and indeed all persons with whom same-sex couples
interact, including their own children, that their marriage is less
worthy than the marriages of others. The federal statute is invalid,
for no legitimate purpose overcomes the purpose and effect to
disparage and to injure those whom the State, by its marriage laws,
sought to protect in personhood and dignity. By seeking to displace
this protection and treating those persons as living in marriages
less respected than others, the federal statute is in violation of
the Fifth Amendment. This opinion and its holding are confined to
those lawful marriages.
The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit is affirmed.
It is so ordered."
[Click here to read the entire decision]
Justice Kennedy, for U.S. Supreme Court, June 26, 2013. U.S. v. Windsor; No. 12-307 - opinion striking down as unconstitutional section 3 of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) (which defined marriage as man/woman for purposes of Federal statutes), as a violation of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constititution.
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